Canada’s democracy is running on fumes

Canadians take comfort in U.S. dysfunction, but the foundations of our own democracy are already showing serious strain

For interview requests, click here

Canada isn’t the strong democracy we like to believe. Behind the peaceful elections and parliamentary rituals lies a system where power is concentrated in the hands of one person: the prime minister.

Since Confederation, Canada has avoided coups and revolutions. Governments have changed hands through orderly elections, a record many countries envy. On the surface, it looks like a stable democracy.

But look closer, and the cracks show.

The 1982 Constitution enshrined a Charter of Rights and Freedoms promising equality for all, and then immediately allowed governments to override those rights with the “notwithstanding clause,” which lets legislatures pass laws even if they conflict with the Charter.

The Emergencies Act, used for the first time during the 2022 trucker protests, gives Ottawa extraordinary powers to suspend freedoms and compel action. Its use included freezing bank accounts without court orders and compelling tow truck operators to provide their services to remove the vehicles, measures that left many Canadians unsettled about how quickly their rights can be curbed.

Parliamentary practice has also made the prime minister one of the most powerful elected leaders in the world. He decides who can run under his party’s banner, when MPs may speak and who sits in cabinet. He appoints the heads of federal agencies, judges, ambassadors and senators. In theory, these powers rest with the Crown. In practice, it is the prime minister who even chooses the governor general. Unlike Britain, where leaders must contend with internal party democracy, Canadian prime ministers enforce tight discipline, leaving backbench MPs with little influence.

This isn’t just theory. Pierre Trudeau’s iron grip on his caucus, Stephen Harper’s strict message control and Justin Trudeau’s demands for near-total loyalty all show how party discipline can stifle independent voices in Parliament.

When opposition parties pose a threat, a prime minister can simply prorogue Parliament, temporarily shutting it down without dissolving it, and avoiding debate. Jean Chrétien, Harper and Trudeau have all used this tactic when pressure mounted. After an election, the first sitting can be delayed for nearly a year. Even when Parliament does sit, question period, once meant to hold governments accountable, has become little more than a trading of insults. Canadians who tune in often come away with the impression of theatre, not oversight.

Parliament’s supremacy has been further eroded by section 52(1) of the Constitution, which gives the Supreme Court power to strike down laws passed by elected representatives and create new rights and obligations in their place. Courts have struck down laws on abortion, safe-injection sites and mandatory minimum sentences, reshaping policy without a vote in the House of Commons.

Meanwhile, the press, long considered democracy’s watchdog, now relies heavily on government subsidies such as the federal media bailout program. Sold as a lifeline to preserve journalism, it has raised unavoidable questions about independence. Critics argue that when newsrooms depend on Ottawa for survival, it blunts their willingness to challenge the same government that funds them. In a country where a strong, adversarial press is essential, the appearance of influence is almost as damaging as direct control.

All of this has reduced Canadian democracy to little more than a ritual trip to the ballot box every four or five years. With power so centralized, many voters understandably wonder whether their participation matters. No surprise, then, that a third of Canadians don’t bother to vote, with even lower turnout in provincial and municipal elections.

Canadians often look south at the polarization and chaos in American politics and congratulate ourselves for avoiding the same fate. But that smugness is dangerous. The U.S. reminds us how quickly democratic institutions can fray when power is abused and trust collapses. Canada is not immune.

The warning signs are here. Keep ignoring them, and our democracy will collapse: not with a bang but with a whimper.

Gerry Bowler is a Canadian historian and a senior fellow of the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.